November 19, 2022

General Pleasant Porter: Muscogee Principal Chief and Freemason

By T.S. Akers

Pleasant Porter, Principal Chief of the Muscogee Nation.
(Courtesy of the Oklahoma Historical Society)

Throughout the nineteenth century, Indigenous Peoples within United States faced an onslaught of attacks against their sovereignty and existence. With one broken promise after another, Indian Nations watched their homelands dwindle and many ultimately faced removal to what would become Oklahoma. The Five Tribes, originally from the southeastern portion of the United States, were a set of Indian Nations who were some of the first to be removed to what became the Indian Territory. These tribes included the Cherokee, the Chickasaw, the Choctaw, the Muscogee, and the Seminole. The Five Tribes each had internal divisions amongst those who had adopted European or white culture and those who wished to remain traditional. There existed in the Five Tribes some headmen who understood the compromises that would be necessary for continued sovereignty in dealing with the federal government. One such headman in the Muscogee Nation was Pleasant Porter, who in time would rise to the office of Principal Chief.

Pleasant Porter was, as would have been described at the time, of mixed-blood descent. Porter’s paternal grandfather was Captain John Porter who served with Andrew Jackson during the Red Stick War of 1813-1814. This was a Muscogee Civil War which the United States was drawn into. Captain Porter managed to intervene as federal troops waged a merciless campaign against the Muscogees following an incident known as the Fort Mimms Massacre. In helping to bring an end to the hostilities, Captain Porter was extended an invitation by the Muscogee people to live within their nation, which he accepted, and thenceforth resided with the division of the Muscogees known as the Lower Creeks.[1] This was a geographic designation, with the Upper Creeks residing in the northern part of the nation. (Creek is the British name for the Muscogee Nation.) Whilst the Upper Creeks were traditionalist, the Lower Creeks had adopted white customs following European contact.

Captain Porter’s son Benjamin was born around 1818 in the Muscogee Nation. The Porter family came west with the first group of Muscogees, known as the McIntosh party, in February of 1828. It was then that the family established a farm near Clarksville in present day Wagoner County and Benjamin Porter resided there until his death shortly before the American Civil War. A young Benjamin Porter married Phoebe Tustunnuggee the daughter of Tahlopee Tustunnuggee, who was a Muscogee tribal town chief.[2] Phoebe was of the Bird Clan and of mixed-blood descent as her mother Lydia Perryman was white.[3] Pleasant Porter was born to Benjamin and Phoebe, at the family farm, on the 26th of September, 1840. In his youth, Pleasant Porter was given the Muscogee name of Talof Harjo, which means Crazy Bear.[4]

The Tullahassee Presbyterian Mission School was established in partnership with the Creek National Council in 1850. A three-story institution, the Tullahassee school could support eighty students. Whilst most mission or boarding schools today are associated with Indian assimilation, the Muscogees viewed education as one strategy by which they could reinforce their identity post-removal.[5] Pleasant Porter attended the Tullahassee school for five years. From there he briefly clerked in a store and then went to New Mexico as a cattle drover in 1860.[6]

Pleasant Porter during the American Civil War.
(Courtesy of the Oklahoma Historical Society)

On the 10th of July, 1861, the Muscogee Nation signed a treaty of Friendship and Alliance with the Confederacy; which was favored and opposed along the old divisional lines, with the traditionalist Upper Creeks standing in opposition. Article thirty-six of the treaty called for the Muscogees to raise one mounted regiment of ten companies.[7] Ultimately, two regiments were raised, the 1st and 2nd Creek Mounted Rifles. Pleasant Porter returned to the Muscogee Nation and enlisted as a private in the 1st Creek Mounted Rifles on the 19th of August, 1861.[8] He rose to the rank of regimental quartermaster sergeant in the 1st Creek.[9] In 1863 Porter transferred to the 2nd Creek, presumably to fill vacancies, as a second lieutenant in Company A.[10] Riding with the Muscogee regiments, Porter would have seen action at Round Mountain, Old Fort Wayne, and Honey Springs, among numerous other smaller engagements. He was ultimately wounded three times during the war.[11] The Muscogee regiments were part of Stand Watie’s command when he surrendered on the 23rd of June, 1865, at Doaksville in the Choctaw Nation.[12]

At the war’s end, Pleasant Porter returned to the family farm near Clarksville. He found it to be in much the same condition as the rest of the Muscogee Nation. The buildings were burned, the fields overgrown, and the livestock gone; however, Porter began the task of rebuilding.[13] Whilst reestablishing life, Porter was also called into service for his tribe. In September of 1865, he was asked to accompany Muscogee commissioners bound for Fort Smith, Arkansas, as a guard. The party was to negotiate a new treaty with the federal government. The resulting Treaties of Washington of 1866, the reconstruction treaties, were designed to punish the Five Tribes for their alliance with the Confederacy.[14]

The year 1867 yielded one of the most important changes for the Muscogee Nation and it was a change that would leave lasting political divisions. Prior to 1867, the Muscogee Nation existed as a confederation or alliance of autonomous towns, each with tribal town chiefs. That year, a constitutional republic with an elected executive, a bicameral legislature, and a tiered court system was created.[15] The elected executive was vested in the office of Principal Chief, the bicameral legislature included a House of Kings (the upper house) and a House of Warriors (the lower house), and the court system included a High Court with six district courts.[16]

The first man to be elected to the office of Principal Chief was Samuel Checote. During the Civil War, he served in the 1st Creek Mounted Rifles, rising to the rank of lieutenant colonel, which made him one of Pleasant Porter’s former superior officers.[17] After serving the treaty commission, Porter was tapped by Chief Checote as superintendent of schools for the Muscogee Nation in 1867. As previously discussed, the Muscogees understood the importance of education and Porter, as a product of a joint mission school, restored and expanded the public school system.[18]

It was the election of 1871 that saw the political divisions born of the 1867 constitution boil over in the Muscogee Nation. The two groups that rose out of the 1867 division were the Constitutionalists and the Traditionalists, which mirrored the old divisions that dated back to the Red Stick War of 1813-1814; those divisions being the Upper Creeks (traditionalist) and the Lower Creeks. The Constitutionalists believed the future of tribal sovereignty rested in the modernization of institutions to navigate the intricacies of dealing with the federal government.[19] It was to this faction which Pleasant Porter was an adherent. As Chief Checote attempted to convene the national council at Okmulgee in October of 1871, a Muscogee named Sands with around three hundred of his adherents marched on the capital. Porter was placed in command of the Light Horse Company and successfully put down the rebellion without bloodshed.[20] The constitution of 1867, in article IV, established the Light Horse Company as the militia of the Muscogee Nation, though it was grouped under the judiciary. The Lighthorsemen, as they were commonly known, were comprised of a captain and four privates from each of the six judicial districts.[21]

Pleasant Porter, c. 1870s.
(Courtesy of the Oklahoma Historical Society)

Following the Sands Rebellion, Pleasant Porter made his first visit to Washington, D.C., as a representative of the Muscogee Nation in 1872; throughout his lifetime, he made over ten such diplomatic trips to the federal capital.[22] In 1875 Porter was elected to the House of Warriors. In time, he not only became a member of the House of Kings but presided over that body.[23] Porter served a total of four years in the House of Warriors and eight in the House of Kings during his lifetime.[24] The election of 1875, which propelled Porter to the Muscogee legislative bodies, also placed the traditionalist Lachar Harjo in the office of Principal Chief. Harjo was soon impeached by the National Council and removed from office. Ward Couchman, a constitutionalist, was appointed to fulfill the remainder of the chief’s term. Naturally angry over this, Harjo and his followers set out to overthrow the Muscogee government. Once again commanding the Lighthorsemen, it was Porter who quelled the uprising without bloodshed.[25]

Whilst in the service of the Muscogee Nation, Pleasant Porter also enjoyed personal success in business. He first operated a general store at Hillabee and then at Okmulgee, which he sold in 1869. Leaving Okmulgee, Porter built a home at Wealaka.[26] It was in cattle that Porter was most successful, capitalizing on the common ownership of land in the Muscogee Nation for grazing purposes. He helped to form the Muscogee and Seminole Livestock Association in 1884, which created roundup districts and facilitated the transport of cattle to Eastern markets.[27] Porter married Mary Ellen Keys on the 25th of November in 1872. She was the daughter of Riley Keys, a Cherokee Nation Chief Justice. Mary Ellen died in January of 1886, and Porter married Mattie Leonora Bertholf on 26th of May that same year. The Porter family later moved to Muskogee in 1889.[28] In Muskogee, Porter acquired a great deal of commercial property as the city grew into a rail shipping point.[29]

 
Pleasant Porter in Knights Templar regalia, with portrait of Muscogee Chief Menawa, c. 1899.
(Courtesy of the Oklahoma Historical Society)

It was in the late 1870s that Pleasant Porter first became associated with Freemasonry. The Grand Lodge of the Indian Territory had formed in the fall of 1874 and now meeting at Eufaula was Muscogee Lodge No. 1, AF&AM. It was there in August of 1877 that Porter was made an Entered Apprentice, becoming a Master Mason in early 1878. He demitted from Muscogee Lodge to help with the forming of Checote Lodge at Muskogee, a lodge named in honor of Chief Samuel Checote. That lodge entered the roll of the Indian Territory lodges as Muskogee Lodge No. 28, AF&AM on the 6th of November, 1888.[30] Muscogee Lodge No. 1 at Eufaula changed its name to Eufaula Lodge No. 1 in 1889 to avoid any confusion.[31] Porter joined the York Rite at Muskogee, and was a charter member of Muskogee Chapter No. 3, Royal Arch Masons in 1890; Muskogee Council No. 2, Royal & Select Masters in 1894; and Muskogee Commandery No. 2, Knights Templar in 1892.[32] He was created a 32nd Degree Mason by Robert W. Hill at Muskogee on the 24th of June, 1889. No Scottish Rite Valley yet existed in the Indian Territory at the time, but Hill was serving as deputy for Sovereign Grand Commander Albert Pike and had the authority to create Scottish Rite Masons.[33] Historian Nicholas Rinehart describes Porter as a cultural broker, which he defines as a leader who bridges the cultural chasm separating two distinct political entities.[34] Freemasonry had long been used by the headmen of the Five Tribes to meet this aim and Porter understood the importance of the Masonic Lodge’s ability to bridge that chasm.

After the two rebellions that Pleasant Porter successfully quelled, one would have thought that the traditionalists would have given up the idea of overthrowing the Muscogee government. This proved not to be the case in 1880. That year, a Muscogee judge named Isparhecher openly rejected the 1867 constitution, which resulted in charges of sedition and his removal from the bench. Gathering arms and around three hundred adherents at a camp near Nuyaka, twelve miles west of the capital at Okmulgee, Isparhecher established a “quasi-government.”[35] In July of 1882, the Isparhecher faction was holding a council when two Lighthorsemen came upon then. The group was disarmed and one member arrested for “resisting an officer.” Leaving with their prisoner, the two Lighthorsemen were pursued by about thirty of Isparhecher’s men and killed.[36] Porter was called back from diplomatic business in Washington, D.C., to take command of a seven-hundred-man force to bring an end to what is now called the Green Peach War. In leading this force, Porter became known as General Porter. Isparhecher was chased into the Sac & Fox Nation, where he and his followers were ultimately disarmed by federal troops and moved to Fort Gibson; the point from which they were released.[37]

The end of the nineteenth century saw a federal Indian policy based on ending communal land holding and taking what the federal government viewed as unused land from Indian Nations for white settlement. This began with the Dawes General Allotment Act in 1887, though it exempted the Muscogee Nation.[38] The Land Run of 1889, held in April of that year, saw white settlers rush into what was then known as “The Unassigned Lands” to stake homestead claims. The Muscogees and the Seminoles had a legal claim to the area and in January of 1889, Pleasant Porter was part of the group that negotiated an agreement to release the land in exchange for $2,250,000.[39] The railroads, beginning with the MK&T in 1872, that ran through the Indian Territory brought white settlement with them, as the Indian Nations were required to grant the railroad a right of way. The census of 1890 shows that at least 44% of the population in the Muscogee Nation were listed as “Other races” as opposed to “Indian.”[40] For some tribal headmen, such as Porter, what loomed on the horizon was obvious.

Allotment came to the Muscogee Nation in 1893 with the creation of the Dawes Commission. The commission’s directive was to negotiate an agreement around allotment but was completely rebuffed.[41] The commission’s measure of success was “the wiping out of quasi-independent governments within our [the United States’] territorial limits.”[42] To counter the transfer of land ownership to individual title, Pleasant Porter unsuccessfully proposed that each Muscogee be limited to a pro-rated share of land without conversion to individual title. Whilst the commission was setting out to end tribal government, and being generally stonewalled, Porter first stood for election as Principal Chief of the Muscogee Nation in 1895. Unfortunately, the negotiations around land ownership cost Porter, as he lost to Isparhecher, whom he had opposed in the Green Peach War.[43] Frustrated with their inability to allot Five Tribes land, the Dawes Commission sought additional authority, which came via the Curtis Act in 1898. This allowed the commission to move forward with allotment without tribal consent. The act also said that tribal governments were to be dissolved in 1906.[44]

Standing for election again in 1899, Pleasant Porter was finally elevated to the office of Principal Chief of the Muscogee Nation.[45] This of course was during a period of forced allotment which, as evidenced by the previous election of the traditionalist Isparhecher, was not popular. Recognizing that allotment was inevitable, in an address before the National Council, Chief Porter said, “The vitality of our race still persists. We have not lived for naught.”[46] In an effort to negotiate the best terms possible for the Muscogee Nation, an agreement was finalized in 1901, with a supplement in 1902, that established a complex equalization formula to secure a fair distribution of allotments to all citizens.[47] These negotiations prompted one last traditionalist uprising, this time led by Chitto Harjo, who was also known as Crazy Snake. Dubbed the Crazy Snake Uprising, Harjo’s adherents established a government of their own at Hickory Ground, near Henryetta. As the Curtis act had also dissolved the tribal courts, Chief Porter had to appeal to the federal government to address the uprising. A posse organized by US Marshal, and prominent Freemason, Leo Bennett was initially unsuccessful in apprehending the rebels in late January of 1901. A troop of the 8th US Cavalry from Fort Reno was then dispatched to the area, but they ultimately were not needed as Deputy US Marshals arrested Harjo and others within a day.[48]

Pleasant Porter campaign button with ribbon, c. 1903.
(Courtesy of the Muscogee Cultural Center and Archives)

Pleasant Porter’s service to the Muscogee Nation saw him face four separate insurrections against the tribe’s constitutional form of government. With the Curtis Act set to dissolve tribal governments in 1906, Porter had one last foe to battle in his second term as Principal Chief, having been re-elected in 1903.[49] With the creation of the Oklahoma Territory, a statehood movement was born. In the summer of 1905, a call was put forth to form a separate statehood convention for the Indian Territory. The Sequoyah Convention, as it became known, convened on the 21st of August for the purpose of drafting a constitution for a new state to be formed from the Indian Territory. Porter, with his years of service and experience in Washington, D.C., was selected as the convention president.[50] It was generally understood that Oklahoma Territory was to be its own state, separate from the Indian Territory. During the Sequoyah Convention, Porter posited, “From time immemorial the Indians as a heritage of the original inhabitants have been promised a state, an empire of their own.”[51] Unfortunately, the state of Sequoyah, which should have been, was never realized; and the reasons were entirely political. Bills for Sequoyah statehood were filed in Congress, but that legislative body refused to hear them. There was simply no way that Republicans were going to admit a state into the union that was heavily Democratic. That directive came from the top down, with President Theodore Roosevelt, who had visited Muskogee in April of 1905, stating then, “Your territory, remember in conjunction with Oklahoma, will soon be one of the greatest states in the Union.”[52]

Whilst traveling with Judge John R. Thomas and Creek National Attorney M.L. Mott on tribal business in 1907, Pleasant Porter and his party stayed overnight in Vinita as it was necessary for them to change trains. It was there on the 2nd of September that Porter suffered a stroke, fell unconscious, and passed away the following day. It is said that his final words were “I’m not afraid to die.” Porter was laid to rest in the family cemetery at Wealaka.[53]

Speaking before the last session of the National Council held in 1906, Pleasant Porter remarked “My Nation is about to disappear.”[54] This may have seemed like a foregone conclusion, with the onslaught of attacks against tribal sovereignty that had been put forth by the federal government. However, time has proven Porter’s prediction to be incorrect. The Muscogee Nation stands today, as strong as it ever has, and this is due in part to men like General Pleasant Porter. The leadership and foresight that these cultural brokers possessed helped to lay a strong foundation, which subsequent generations have built on, and vigorously they have built.

 


[1]  John B. Meserve, "Pleasant Porter," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 9, no. 3 (1931): 320.
[2]  Meserve, 320-321.
[3]  Dianna Everett, “Porter, Pleasant (1840-1907),” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed November 15, 2022, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=PO032.
[4]  Meserve, 322.
[5]  Rowan F. Steineker, “’Fully Equal to that of any Children’: Experimental Creek Education in the Antebellum Era," History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 2 (2016): 275-290.
[6]  Meserve, 322.
[7]  “Treaty with the Creek Nation. July 10th, 1861. A Treaty of Friendship and Alliance.,” The Statutes at Large of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America (Richmond: R.M. Smith, 1864), 289-310.
[8]  Meserve, 323.
[9]  Compiled service record, Pleasant Porter, Reg't Quartermaster Sgt., First Creek Mounted Rifles; Carded Records Showing Military Service of Soldiers Who Fought in Confederate Organizations, compiled 1903-1927, documenting the period 1861-1865, Record Group 109; National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[10]  Compiled service record, Pleasant Porter, 2nd Lieut., Co. A, Second Creek Mounted Rifles; Carded Records Showing Military Service of Soldiers Who Fought in Confederate Organizations, compiled 1903-1927, documenting the period 1861-1865, Record Group 109; National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[11]  Michael D. Green, "Porter, Pleasant (26 September 1840–03 September 1907), Creek chief," American National Biography, last modified February 1, 2000, https://www.anb.org/view/10.1093/anb/9780198606697.001.0001/anb-9780198606697-e-2001506.
[12]  "1st Regiment Creek Mounted Volunteers, CSA," Battle Unit Details - National Park Service, accessed November 15, 2022, https://www.nps.gov/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm?battleUnitCode=CCS0001R0T5I.
[13]  Green.
[14]  Meserve, 323.
[15]  Green.
[16]  "The Constitution of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation," in The Oklahoma Red Book, ed. Seth K. Corden and W.B. Richards (Oklahoma City: The State of Oklahoma, 1912), 1: 224-227.
[17]  Ingrid P. Westmoreland, “Checote, Samuel (1819-1884),” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed November 15, 2022, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry?entry=CH012.
[18]  Green.
[19]  Mary J.  Warde, George Washington Grayson and the Creek Nation, 1843-1920 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), 107.
[20]  Meserve, 324.
[21]  "The Constitution of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation.”
[22]  Meserve, 324-325.
[23]  Ibid., 325.
[24]  Green.
[25]  Meserve, 325-326.
[26]  Ibid., 324.
[27]  Angie Debo, The Road to Disappearance: A History of the Creek Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941), 286.
[28]  Meserve, 323-324.
[29]  Green.
[30]  “Porter, Pleasant” (member profile, Grand Lodge of the State of Oklahoma).
[31]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Fifteenth Annual Communication (Purcell, Chickasaw Nation, 1889), 66.
[32]  “Porter, Pleasant” (organizational charters, Muskogee York Rite Bodies)
[33]  “Porter, Pleasant” (member profile, The Supreme Council of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite).
[34]  Nicholas Rinehart, "Chief Pleasant Porter: Preeminent Mediator of Creek and American Worlds" (bachelor's thesis, Texas Christian University, 2020), 3.
[35]  Meserve, 326.
[36]  Debo, 271.
[37]  Meserve, 326-327.
[38]  "Dawes Act (1887)," Milestone Documents - National Archives, accessed November 15, 2022, https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/dawes-act.
[39]  Meserve, 327.
[40]  Department of the Interior U.S. Census Office, Extra Census Bulletin: The Five Civilized Tribes of the Indian Territory (Washington D. C.: United States Census Printing Office, 1894), 4.
[41]  Kent Carter, “Snakes and Scribes: The Dawes Commission and the Enrollment of the Creeks,” The Chronicles of Oklahoma 75, no 4 (1997-1998): 387-388.
[42]  Foreman Transcripts: Superintendents for the Five Civilized Tribes, ed. Grant Foreman (Muskogee, OK: 1934), 20: 21.
[43]  Meserve, 327.
[44]  M. Kaye Tatro, “Curtis Act (1898),” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed November 15, 2022, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=CU006.
[45]  Everett.
[46]  "Tribute to Indian Loyalty," The Tahlequah Arrow (Tahlequah, Indian Terr.), Nov. 25, 1905.
[47]  Green.
[48]  Kenneth W. McIntosh, “Crazy Snake Uprising,” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed November 15, 2022, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=CR004.
[49]  Everett.
[50]  Amos Maxwell, "The Sequoyah Convention (Part II)," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 28, no. 3 (1950): 299-300.
[51]  Maxwell, "The Sequoyah Convention (Part II):” 314.
[52]  Amos Maxwell, "The Sequoyah Convention," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 28, no. 2 (1950): 179.
[53]  Meserve, 334.
[54]  Warde, 207.

July 5, 2022

Mount Moriah: McAlester’s Lost Masonic Temple

 
Mount Moriah by Jack Fowler
(From the collection of T.S. Akers)
 
The mountains and woods of southeastern Oklahoma have hidden many things throughout history, but none so grand as Mount Moriah Masonic Temple. Located north of McAlester, the temple was a site of pilgrimage for local Masons and was a place for many important gatherings and ceremonies. In this lecture, T.S. Akers chronicles the planning, building, and life of Mount Moriah as a Masonic temple, and describes its reclamation by the dense forests of southeastern Oklahoma.
 
 
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This lecture was originally published as an article in the Fall 2020 issue of The Chronicles of Oklahoma.

May 23, 2022

The Birth of a Grand Lodge: The Struggle for Recognition in Indian Territory

By T.S. Akers
 
This article was originally published in Issue No. 24 of the Rocky Mountain Mason.

In August of 1999, Patrick D. Murphy slit the throat and mutilated the body of George Jacobs, the ex-husband of his partner Patsy Jacobs, along a country road in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma. Murphy was convicted of first-degree murder by a McIntosh County jury in 2000 and sentenced to death. In 2004 Murphy appealed his conviction arguing that the State of Oklahoma lacked jurisdiction to prosecute him, Murphy was a citizen of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation and the Major Crimes Act gives the federal government exclusive jurisdiction over murders committed by Indians in Indian Country.[1] This presented a new question before the court, what land is Indian Country? The case in time morphed into an issue of tribal sovereignty, something the Muscogee (Creek) Nation took an active interest in. As the appeal proceeded it made its way to the Tenth Circuit Court in 2017 where it was found that Congress had never disestablished the boundaries of the Muscogee (Creek) Reservation as set forth by the 1866 Treaty of Washington, a punitive treaty imposed on the Creek Nation owing to its alliance with the Confederacy.[2] The Murphy case would eventually arrive before the United States Supreme Court in 2018, but Justice Neil Gorsuch had recused himself owing to his seat on the bench when the case was before the Tenth Circuit Court. Gorsuch’s recusal resulted in a split decision and a substitute case was identified in McGirt v. Oklahoma, another instance where the defendant claimed the state lacked jurisdiction over a Muscogee (Creek) citizen.[3] On July 9, 2020, with all justices present, the Supreme Court issued its landmark decision, finding that for the purposes of the Major Crimes Act, land reserved for the Creek Nation since the nineteenth century remains “Indian country.”[4] While it may have taken over one hundred years since Oklahoma statehood in 1907, the jurisdictional recognition of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, and the other tribes that comprise the Five Tribes, is not a new story. Indeed, as Freemasonry began to spread across the Indian Territory, giving birth to a Grand Lodge, recognition of that new grand body by other jurisdictions was not immediate.
 
The bounds of the Indian Territory, as they appeared in 1898 and were confirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2020.
(Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division)

Freemasonry arrived in what would become Oklahoma in 1824 when Colonel Matthew Arbuckle, a Mason, established Fort Gibson at the confluence of the Grand and Arkansas Rivers, in order to maintain peace between the Osage and Cherokees who would cross into Osage country from Arkansas.[5] The first full scale emigration of the Five Tribes occurred in 1827 when roughly 700 Creeks led by Chilly McIntosh made their way west in the wake of the Treaty of Indian Springs. Known as the McIntosh Party for their support of Chief William McIntosh in his ceding of Creek lands for land west of the Mississippi, these Creeks settled in the Three Forks area near Fort Gibson.[6] The Western or Old Settler Cherokees were removed from Arkansas the following year.[7] It is estimated that the Indian Removal Act of 1830 would see over 58,000 members of the Five Tribes either emigrate or be forcibly removed to the Indian Territory. The 1839 Act of Union brought together the Western Cherokees, formerly of Arkansas, and the recently removed Cherokees as the Cherokee Nation, establishing their capital at Tahlequah.[8] It was here on November 9, 1848, that Cherokee Lodge No. 21 was chartered by the Grand Lodge of Arkansas. The members of Cherokee Lodge were granted land by the Cherokee National Council for their first permanent lodge hall in 1852. They erected a two-story structure within a year, which was shared with the Sons of Temperance.[9] Additional Lodges, with primarily indigenous membership, that were chartered included Choctaw Lodge No. 52, Flint Lodge No. 74, and Muscogee Lodge No. 93.[10]

The Civil War would interrupt Freemasonry in the Indian Territory and it was particularly devastating to the region. An anonymous writer for the Indian Journal recalled the situation in 1878, writing:

At the close of the war families were again gathered together only to find their farms, desolate, their homes burned, their fences destroyed, their fields overrun with weeds, their church and school buildings even burned.[11]

All of the Five Tribes became embroiled in the conflict and Masonic activity in the region ceased. The proceedings of the Grand Lodge of Arkansas make note of lodges being destroyed as Federal troops moved through that state.[12] The lodges of Indian Territory were carried on the rolls of the Grand Lodge of Arkansas through the Civil War, though no dues payments or annual reports were being sent to Arkansas. By 1865, the Indian Territory lodges were considered to be in default. To remedy this, they were required to provide copies of their charters, to prove they still existed, and remit their outstanding dues by June 1, 1866, or their charters would be withdrawn. Having received no response by the given date, the Grand Lodge of Arkansas withdrew the charters of Cherokee, Choctaw, and Muscogee Lodges in 1867.[13] 

At a settlement known as Boggy Depot, Freemasonry sprang to life again in the Indian Territory with the establishment of Oklahoma Lodge No. 217 by the Grand Lodge of Arkansas in 1868. This was done under the direction of the Baptist Missionary Joseph S. Murrow, who would go on to be a charter member of the first of numerous Masonic orders in the Indian Territory, including Indian Chapter No. 1 of Royal Arch Masons at McAlester, Oklahoma Council No. 1 of Royal and Select Masters at Atoka, and Muskogee Commandery No. 1 of Knights Templar.[14] The other Lodges that existed prior to the Civil War began to function as well. Cherokee Lodge No. 21 attempted to put its affairs in order with the Grand Lodge of Arkansas in 1870, but their request for reinstatement was denied under the premise that their lodge number had been reassigned and no further attempts to regain a charter from Arkansas were made. The Brethren of Choctaw Lodge No. 52 at Doaksville near Fort Towson received a new charter to operate as Doaksville Lodge No. 279 in 1871. Caddo Lodge No. 311 was another new lodge in the Choctaw Nation, chartered in 1873. The Brethren of Flint Lodge No. 74, who had moved their charter to Wilsonville, Arkansas, during the War, returned to the Cherokee Nation in October of 1873.[15] Muscogee Lodge had reconvened in the second story of a mercantile operated by a member at Eufaula.[16] The Brethren labored diligently until early 1874 when they journeyed to Little Rock, Arkansas, to make payment for all accounts due and insure their charter was valid.[17] Unfortunately, Muscogee Lodge’s original number had been reassigned by the Grand Lodge of Arkansas and a new charter was issued as Muscogee Lodge No. 90.[18] This is interesting as Cherokee Lodge was denied reinstatement owing to their lodge number being reassigned. Cherokee Lodge Historian George W. Moser speculated that the true reason for the denial was owing to large factions of Cherokees supporting the Union during the Civil War.[19]

The Worshipful Master of Caddo Lodge No. 311 in 1874 was a printer named Granville McPherson. He had taken the degrees of Freemasonry in Arkansas and had helped to organize the Scottish Rite bodies at Little Rock. With there being six lodges chartered in the Indian Territory, he felt the time was right to organize a grand lodge.[20] McPherson’s own grand jurisdiction of Arkansas was itself formed from just three lodges in 1838.[21] He first wrote to Alpha Lodge No. 122 located at Fort Gibson, which had been chartered by Kansas, and they rejected the idea of forming a grand lodge. Similarly, Oklahoma Lodge No. 217 and Flint Lodge No. 74, both chartered by Arkansas, were not interested in forming a grand lodge. Without consulting the Grand Lodges of Kansas or Arkansas, McPherson proceeded and on October 5, 1874, the representatives of Muscogee Lodge No. 90, Doaksville Lodge No. 279, and Caddo Lodge No. 311 met in Caddo to form the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, with McPherson as Grand Master.[22] The formation of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory was duly announced by dispatching copies of the proceedings to every Grand Lodge in the United States and Territories, as well as Canada, Nova Scotia, and Mexico.[23] It appears that the august occasion may not have been news to the Grand Master of Arkansas though. Joseph S. Murrow of Oklahoma Lodge No. 217 was opposed to the formation of a grand lodge and had called for the Grand Master to intervene. Based on the lack of action, it appears that Murrow’s plea was ignored.[24]
 
Seal of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory.

While Oklahoma Lodge No. 217 did not participate in forming the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, it willingly joined with that grand jurisdiction on May 12, 1875, as Oklahoma Lodge No. 4.[25] It is possible that their senior statesmen, Joseph S. Murrow, precipitated this move owing to the lack of action by the Grand Master of Arkansas to prevent the formation of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory. Either way, bringing the remaining two lodges in the Indian Territory into the fold and securing recognition by other grand lodges would not prove as easy, even though Grand Master McPherson believed otherwise, stating:

Not quite twelve months ago three of the Subordinate Lodges of the Indian Territory, believing it to be for the good of Masonry, met in convention at Caddo, Choctaw Nation, formed a Constitution, organized a Grand Lodge, and asked recognition of the Sister Grand Lodges.
 

It is with pleasure I am able to make the announcement that nearly all the Grand Lodges which have met since then have formally recognized and cordially welcomed us into the Grand Masonic sisterhood. Those that have not will doubtless do so in their own good time; when we have proved ourselves worthy of it.[26]

The proceedings for 1875 do not specifically mention what grand lodges had recognized Indian Territory, but both Wyoming and Manitoba had applied to Indian Territory for recognition, which the young grand lodge was eager to grant.[27] With two lodges within the jurisdiction not willing to align with the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, there were signs of the challenges to come. McPherson seems to have recognized this and went on in his address to say:

The Grand Lodges of the United States, and of the whole world, will take a deeper interest in us than has ever been manifested for any Grand Body within the limits of the Great Republic; from the fact that we are the first Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons ever organized by the aborigines of North America. Many, who are ignorant of the situation of affairs in this country, will look upon us with grave doubts and misgivings; while others, more familiar with us and our advanced stage of civilization, will watch us closely, though at the same time feel confident of our ability to sustain ourselves in the proud position we have assumed. It but remains for us, brethren, to do our duty, prove ourselves worthy of the confidence, and finally win a high place in the noble sisterhood of Grand Lodges.[28]

The 1866 reconstruction treaties required that the tribes grant right of way for railroads through the Indian Territory and by 1872 the MK&T Railway Co. had finished its line from the Kansas border to the Red River.[29] This of course brought white settlement into the Territory, perhaps the advanced stage of civilization that McPherson referred to, albeit a statement with a certain racial tone. It is important to note that the Five Tribes had long governed themselves with their own executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The Muscogee (Creek) Nation for example had a bicameral legislature with a House of Kings and a House of Warriors.[30]

To the preeminent Oklahoma Masonic Historian Charles E. Creager, race was a reason why other grand lodges were slow to provide recognition to Indian Territory. History has shown that the indigenous peoples of North America have frequently been viewed as inferior. Writing in 1935, he said:

The Indians were misunderstood and unappreciated. True, where Indian Masons were known, they were respected and honored. The Eastern and Southern and Northern Masons had not enjoyed the opportunity of meeting such men. So a Grand Lodge in an Indian country, composed largely of ‘savages,’ and ‘heathen,’ and ‘barbarians’ was next to unthinkable by the staid dignitaries of such Grand Lodges as Maine and Maryland.[31]

Joseph S. Murrow, who became Grand Master of Indian Territory in 1877, had spent a considerable amount of time in the Indian Territory as a Baptist missionary. Being intimately acquainted with the Indian Masons, he knew there was another troublesome element, remarking:

There is a class of reckless white adventurers in this Territory. Some of these have perhaps been Masons somewhere, perhaps expelled, at best irregular and unreliable. These are troubling our lodges no little.[32]

Imposters among the Craft in Indian Territory were certainly an issue of concern. At Caddo in the Choctaw Nation, a man by the name of Isaac W. Stone, a supposed veteran of the Civil War who had lost a leg, had become acquainted with several members of Caddo Lodge in 1875. He had introduced himself as a Master Mason, though he was not attending lodge. Having been rejected by Acacia lodge in his former home of Lawrence, Kansas, allegedly due to the missing leg, Stone joined The Far West Lodge of Masons.[33] A newspaper clipping indicates this to be a “colored,” presumably Prince Hall Lodge.[34] Stone was introduced to Granville McPherson, Grand Master and a member of Caddo Lodge, and described The Far West Lodge to McPherson as a member of King Solomon’s Lodge. McPherson indicated he had no objection to Stone visiting Caddo Lodge, which he did, passing the test oath. Stone ultimately obtained a demit and affiliated with Caddo Lodge. Acacia Lodge of Kansas learned of all this through one of their former members, now residing at Caddo, and informed the Brethren of Caddo Lodge that The Far West Lodge was clandestine (by nineteenth century standards). A report of the incident soon appeared in the Masonic Review of Ohio, so the Masonic world at the time was aware of it. Stone’s name was dropped from the roll of Caddo Lodge, though he argued that his being accepted as a member healed his irregularities. Grand Master Murrow ultimately upheld that Caddo Lodge took the appropriate action.[35]
 
The Reverend Joseph S. Murrow, Grand Master of Masons (1877-1878).
(From the collections of the McAlester Scottish Rite)
 
The proceedings of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory note that by 1876 they had received recognition from eighteen grand lodges and some of the British possessions.[36] There were of course only thirty-eight states in the Union at this time, but recognition had come from the important jurisdiction to the south, Texas, in June.[37] However, there were two important neighboring jurisdictions, Kansas and Arkansas, that had not yet granted recognition. This delay was due to disputes between the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory and the two lodges still holding charters from Kansas and Arkansas. A resolution had been adopted in 1876 by Indian Territory arresting the charters of Flint Lodge No. 74 (Arkansas) and Alpha Lodge No. 122 (Kansas) and declaring them clandestine for not joining with the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, an altogether bold move as Indian Territory had no real authority to do so.[38] In correspondence with the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, Flint Lodge inquired as to how they could join with that jurisdiction, but noted that they had no right to surrender their Arkansas charter to Indian Territory.[39] The Grand Lodge of Arkansas had discussed recognizing Indian Territory in 1876 but chose to allow the resolution to layover a year. When the matter was taken up again in October of 1877, it was noted that:
Most of the American Grand Lodges have recognized the Grand Lodge of the Indian Territory; others express their intention to wait and see what the Grand Lodge of Arkansas will do.

 

The only argument that we have seen against the regularity of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, is presented by Brother Brown of Kansas.[40]

The argument by John H. Brown, the Kansas Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Correspondence, is an interesting one indeed. He asserted that the Indian Territory was “composed of several minor parts of country separated by established metes and bounds, each of these being granted to a certain distinct Indian tribe.” Brown went on to argue that if each tribe is a Nation, then as sovereign Nations they cannot be grouped together as one Indian Territory.[41] One need only look to correspondence from the period to see Brown’s point of view. Letters were regularly addressed as originating from “Eufaula, Creek Nation” or “Caddo, Choctaw Nation.” While Kansas still had legitimate concerns over the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory around Alpha Lodge, the Grand Lodge of Arkansas did vote in favor of granting recognition to Indian Territory in 1877. Flint Lodge soon returned its charter to the Grand Lodge of Arkansas for endorsement and joined with Indian Territory.[42]

For the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, obtaining recognition from Kansas was going to be a more difficult nut to crack. The three lodges that had formed the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory - Muscogee, Doaksville, and Caddo - had all been chartered by Arkansas. Flint Lodge, which had come under fire due to Indian Territory’s jurisdictional dispute, was also an Arkansas lodge. However, the remaining lodge in Indian Territory not yet brought into the fold, Alpha Lodge at Fort Gibson, was a Kansas lodge. Naturally, the members of Alpha Lodge were not pleased to learn that the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory had declared them clandestine for not surrendering their Kansas charter. Writing to the Grand Lodge of Kansas in 1876, it was determined that Alpha Lodge would continue to adhere to that grand jurisdiction as Kansas chose not to recognize Indian Territory.[43] Alpha Lodge itself, under the leadership of their Worshipful Master Patrick J. Byrne, adopted a resolution addressing the status of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, reading in part:

This Lodge desires to cultivate none but fraternal feelings and to comply with each and all of its duties in the premises, but it adheres to its original position on the subject of the formation of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory. It believes it unnecessary and inexpedient on account of the reasons already stated. The Indian Territory, so-called, is no State or Territory of the United States, in the technical sense of the term. 
 

The Worshipful Grand Master of the Grand Lodge established, has, we are informed, no legal status as a citizen of Indian country, and is liable, in common with some other officers of that Lodge, to be removed beyond its limits, at any time by the direction of the President of the United States…[44]

The following year, Kansas doubled down on its opinion concerning Indian Territory, with John H. Brown stating they would continue to exercise jurisdiction over Alpha Lodge until a legally organized grand lodge is established within the territory of the Cherokee Nation.[45] The argument that Indian Territory was not one individual territory, but a group of territories persisted. Understanding that this ongoing dispute could derail the efforts of those men working to establish the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory on the world stage, Grand Master Joseph S. Murrow took action after assuming office in 1877. He quickly rescinded the original resolution passed that declared Flint and Alpha Lodges clandestine.[46] Viewing this action for what it was, an apology, Byrne wrote to the Grand Master of Kansas, John Guthrie, asking for permission for Alpha Lodge to be represented at the coming annual communication of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, which was granted. Finally, on October 17, 1878, the Grand Lodge of Kansas elected to recognize the jurisdiction of Indian Territory and granted permission for Alpha Lodge, which now desired to do so, to join with Indian Territory.[47] Patrick J. Byrne, Past Master of Alpha Lodge and a native of Ireland, would succeed Joseph S. Murrow as Grand Master in 1879.[48]

The Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, in efforts to bolster its fraternal standing, continued to recognize and extend fraternal relations to other grand jurisdictions. In 1881 the Grand Lodge of New South Wales was granted recognition.[49] A recent addition to the Masonic landscape of Indian Territory was Capitular Masonry with the first Chapter of Royal Arch Masons, Indian Chapter, being established at McAlester in 1878.[50] When the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory convened in 1889, Companions present representing the now five Royal Arch Chapters of Indian Territory discussed forming a Grand Chapter and prepared the appropriate petition to be made to the General Grand Chapter. The General Grand High Priest, Noble D. Larner, flatly refused to consider the petition from the Companions of Indian Territory.[51] Even with all the progress that had been made, the Masons of Indian Territory were still being looked down upon. Joseph S. Murrow journeyed to the triennial convocation of the General Grand Chapter at Atlanta, Georgia, in November of 1889 to advocate for a charter to form a grand chapter. In Atlanta, issues of clandestine Masons in Indian Territory were being discussed as to why a charter should not be granted. There was the case of Isaac W. Stone at Caddo Lodge, but also another involving a Jeff C. Johnson at Elm Springs Lodge. Johnson was admitted to membership in Elm Springs Lodge by a petition of affiliation, but no demit accompanied the petition to prove from whence he came, an error on the part of Elm Springs Lodge that briefly resulted in the suspension of their charter.[52] One Companion at the triennial convocation even remarked, “…the ethical tendencies of the Masons out in that wild country, hardly commend them to membership in such a Body as this.”[53] Murrow, denied an audience with the Committee on Charters and Dispensations, took to the convocation floor to plead the case for Capitular Masonry in Indian Territory. Before the entire gathering of Royal Arch Masons, Murrow stood and addressed the Companions thus:

Capitular Masonry has not grown apace with our Symbolic Lodges in Indian Territory, because you are too far away, you have so little sympathy with us, you do not care to understand us and our problems. We might have grown if there had been some source of encouragement to organize Chapters and keep them going. All the interest this General Grand Chapter seems to have in us lies in the amount of our remittances in dues! And, pardon me, Companions, if I speak frankly, you do not seem to offer us much for what we pay! I do not lay the charge at your door, but it is possible that there are some here who are calculating enough to observe that as a subordinate Chapters, we are paying fifty cents per member per year! While you Grand Chapters pay one cent per member per year! And I submit in the name of justice and right, that we have not received fifty times as much benefit as you have! Nay, Companions, we receive very, very little![54]

Murrow continued to drive his point home citing the amount of money paid to the General Grand Chapter by Indian Territory in comparison to Grand Chapters across the United States with far more members. Once Murrow had concluded, none other than John H. Brown of Kansas, who had previously opposed the recognition of the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory, rose and recommended that the several Chapters of Indian Territory be authorized to form a Grand Chapter. Only the chairman of the Committee on Charters and Dispensations voted against Indian Territory. The Grand Chapter of Royal Arch Masons of Indian Territory was formally instituted on February 15, 1890.[55]

By the 1890s, Indian Territory was distancing itself from the lawless place it had been described as for some time. The Choctaw Nation that Charles Portis’ Rooster Cogburn set out into to bring Tom Chaney to justice was becoming a memory. Storefronts in cities such as Eufaula and McAlester were more often stone and brick rather than wood and canvas. The year 1889 saw the establishment of the federal court at Muskogee, a jurisdiction previously overseen by Fort Smith.[56] In November of 1892, Grand Master Leo Bennett presided over a convention in Oklahoma City for the formation of a Grand Lodge of Oklahoma Territory.[57] Exercising that level of control over the subordinate lodges and at the same time encouraging them to form a new jurisdiction in a newly established territory is probably the manner in which the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory should have been formed, a manner that may have prevented the issues with gaining recognition. In 1893 the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory received a beautiful token from the Grand Lodge of Ireland. In addition to receiving recognition as a legitimate grand lodge, nineteen years after being formed, the Grand Lodge of Ireland appointed John Coyle as their representative near the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory. Coyle, a native of Scotland, was presented an impressive grand representative jewel, which has since been deposited with the McAlester Scottish Rite Valley. Coyle became Grand Master of Indian Territory in 1894.[58] While the way it was born caused considerable consternation among some grand jurisdictions, the Grand Lodge of Indian Territory proved itself worthy in time. It continued to do so through statehood in Oklahoma in 1907, culminating with the successful merger of the Grand Lodges of Indian and Oklahoma Territories to form the Grand Lodge of the State of Oklahoma in 1909.

Representative to the Grand Lodge of Ireland jewel presented to John Coyle, 1893.
(From the collections of the McAlester Scottish Rite)


[1]  Murphy v. Royal, No. 07-7068 (10th Cir. 2017).
[2]  Murphy v. Royal.
[3]  Adam Liptak, “Supreme Court to Rule on Whether Much of Oklahoma Is an Indian Reservation,” The New York Times, last modified December 13, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/13/us/supreme-court-oklahoma-indian-reservation.html.
[4]  McGirt v. Oklahoma, 591 U.S. ___ (2020).
[5]  Brad Agnew, “Fort Gibson,” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed August 17, 2020, http://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=FO033.
[6]  Christopher D. Haveman, “With Great Difficulty and Labour: The Emigration of the McIntosh Party of Creek Indians, 1827-1828,” The Chronicles of Oklahoma  85, no. 4 (2007-2008): 474-479. 
[7]  “Removal of Tribes to Oklahoma,” The Oklahoma Historical Society, accessed August 17, 2020, http://www.okhistory.org/research/airemoval.
[8]  Rennard Strickland, “Cherokee,” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed August 17, 2020, http://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=CH014.
[9]  George W. Moser, “Cherokee Lodge No. 10, A.F. & A.M.,” in Oklahoma Lodge of Research Vol. XI ed. Larry W. Snow (Guthrie: Oklahoma Lodge of Research, 1989), 11.
[10]  Charles E. Creager, History of Freemasonry in Oklahoma (Muskogee: Muskogee Print Shop, 1935), 20-28.
[11]  Indian Journal (Muskogee and Eufaula, Indian Territory), May 1, 1878.
[12]  Proceedings of the Most Worshipful Grand Lodge F&AM of the State of Arkansas (Little Rock: 1856-1862).
[13]  Proceedings of the Most Worshipful Grand Lodge F&AM of the State of Arkansas (Little Rock: 1865-1867).
[14]  “Joseph Samuel Murrow,” in Grand Masters of Oklahoma (Guthrie: Oklahoma Lodge of Research, 1975), 9.
[15]  Moser, 13-15.
[16]  “Eufaula Masonic Lodge:  Oldest in Oklahoma,” The Indian Journal, 2 March 1922, p. 3
[17]   “Eufaula Masonic Lodge #1:  Sesquicentennial Anniversary,” The Indian Journal, Spring Expo 2005, p. 19.
[18]  J. Fred Latham, The Story of Oklahoma Masonry (Guthrie: Grand Lodge of Oklahoma, 1978), 10-11.
[19]  Moser, 14.
[20]  Latham, 18-19.
[21]  Creager, 41.
[22]  Latham, 21-21.
[23]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: First Annual Communication (Caddo, I.T., 1875).
[24]  Latham, 22.
[25]  Latham, 22.
[26]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: First Annual Communication.
[27]  Ibid.
[28]  Ibid.
[29]  Augustus J. Veenendaal, Jr., “Railroads,” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed August 24, 2020, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=RA004.
[30]  "Muscogee (Creek) Nation Council House," Muskogee (Creek) Nation Cultural Center, accessed August 24, 2020, http://creekculturalcenter.com/2014/05/muscogee-creek-nation-council-house/.
[31]  Creager, 79.
[32]  Creager, 89.
[33]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Fourth Annual Communication (St. Louis, 1878).
[34]  “Festival – The Far West Lodge of Masons (colored),” The Daily Kansas Tribune (Lawrence, Kansas), May 12, 1869.
[35]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Fourth Annual Communication.
[36]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Second Annual Communication (Memphis, 1876).
[37]  Creager, 80.
[38]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Second Annual Communication.
[39]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Third Annual Communication (Memphis, 1877).
[40]  Latham, 30.
[41]  Ibid., 30-31.
[42]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Fourth Annual Communication.
[43]  Latham, 26.
[44]  Ibid., 27-28.
[45]  Ibid., 34-35.
[46]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Fourth Annual Communication.
[47]  Latham, 39-40.
[48]  “Patrick J. Byrne,” in Grand Masters of Oklahoma (Guthrie: Oklahoma Lodge of Research, 1975), 11.
[49]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Seventh Annual Communication (Sedalia, 1881).
[50]  Creager, 62.
[51]  Ibid., 71.
[52]  Latham, 66-70.
[53]  Creager, 72.
[54]  Ibid., 73.
[55]  Ibid., 74-75.
[56]  Dianna Everett, “Indian Territory,” The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, accessed August 24, 2020, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entryname=INDIAN%20TERRITORY.
[57]  Proceedings of the M.: W.: Grand Lodge A.F. & A.M. of the Indian Territory: Nineteenth Annual Communication (Muskogee, 1893).
[58]  “John Coyle,” in Grand Masters of Oklahoma (Guthrie: Oklahoma Lodge of Research, 1975), 19.